The relevance of CRT to public administrative practice: The role of leaders

Abstract

Public administration is poised to recognize that race is constitutive of bureaucratic hierarchies, processes, and outcomes and, as such, to ground our work in a more critical and progressive conceptual framework. In this exploratory analysis, we center Critical Race Theory (CRT) around practice, or praxis, a process that is self-reflexive and race-conscious to address root causes of racism, on the role of public sector leaders. This paper applies leadership research to demonstrate how public leaders, particularly career bureaucrats, can help to eliminate institutional racism. We specifically explore how critical race praxis (CRP) can apply to environmental justice and the movement against environmental racism.

Keywords:

• Critical race theory
• environmental justice
• leadership

Correction Statement

This article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Acknowledgments

Riccucci would like to thank John Clayton-Thomas and the Mescon Lecture Series at the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University for the opportunity to present an earlier version of this paper.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 The terms institutional and structural racism have converged in an ad hoc manner and today tend to be used interchangeably. But institutional racism captures the involvement of institutional forces and systems (e.g., public policies; practices) which disadvantage those who are not part of societies’ dominant groups (e.g., Blacks and Latinx). Structural racism refers to the totality of ways in which societies foster racial and discrimination and social disadvantages, such as higher rates of poverty for Blacks.

2 It is common for scholars in public administration to use various applications of critical theory, including feminist theory (e.g., Hutchinson, 2002; Shields, 2005; Stivers, 1990), critical social theory (e.g., Box, 2005; McSwite, 1997; 1998) and queer theory (e.g., Colvin & Meyer, 2022; Larson, 2022; Lee et al., 2008; Lewis & Emidy, 2022).

3 Additional tenets of CRT include interest convergence, which suggests that the interests of people of color will be advanced only if the interests of Whites are advanced (Cabrera, 2018; Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Heckler & Rouse, 2021). Intersectionality and permanency of racism are also key tenets (Cabrera, 2018; Crenshaw, 1991). See Blanco (2022) who in his study on administrative racism and Whiteness at a Department of Motor Vehicles in a Midwestern state, found that equity is not a value pursed by the DMV; rather equality is supported through colorblindness.

4 For other treatments of CRT in practice, see García (2015) who applies a critical race praxis framework to address homophobia, misogyny and racism; McKay (2010), critical race praxis in education; Lawson (1995), critical race theory as praxis in law; Alfaouri (2022), public health critical race praxis (PHCRP); in social work, some simply refer to the practical application of critical race theory (Pulliam, 2017).

5 Bell (1992) argues that racism is permanent part of society; but he also makes the case that struggles to dismantle racism will fail if Whiteness and white normativity go unchallenged. Bell’s line of reasoning here is also addressed in Heckler’s (2023) work, delineated more fully in our text below.

6 Certainly, this is not an exhaustive list. There are several other leadership factors that could be considered (e.g., transformational; adaptive and inclusive leadership; emotional intelligence; adapting to environmental demands).

7 It should be noted that many critical race theorists argue that antiracism and democracy are in tension. See, for example, Heckler (2017) who argues that the democratic will of White people who are still the dominant voting bloc in the U.S. work to maintain racism.

8 Other organizations that helped the civil rights movement include the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

9 Andrews is referring to, for example, fostering relationships with local groups/programs such as the Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM) which was administered by Head Start. Psychologists and policymakers at the local level of this organization were sympathetic to the civil rights movement and worked to assist in the movement’s work.

10 Carl Friedrich (1940) and Herman Finer (1941) have written extensively on the issue of accountability; their positions are at polar extremes. For example, Friedrich points to technical knowledge and professional standards will hold public officials accountable. He also argues that bureaucrats are better suited to this as elected officials lack the technical expertise and access to information for making decisions and solving administrative problems. Finer, on the other hand, argues that elected officials are needed to hold bureaucrats. As elected officials they should be making the decisions affecting society.

11 Another example is the Flint, Michigan water crisis, where Blacks were exposed to drinking water contaminated with lead and Legionnaires’ disease due to Flint’s decision to save costs by changing its water source from the treated Detroit Water and Sewerage Department to the Flint River, which directly affected Black neighborhoods. Also see Texas Environmental Justice Advocacy Services (2016) for a report on environmental racism in Houston, TX.

12 Created in 2022, the OEJECR merged three existing EPA offices or programs: the Office of Environmental Justice, the External Civil Rights Compliance Office, and the Conflict Prevention and Resolution Center.

13 Fenceline monitoring is used to measure specific pollutants that cross the facility’s borders or fenceline. See the White House Fact Sheet (2022) for greater details on the I.R.A.’s investments in environmental justice. Also see Fears and Grandoni (2021).

14 A good deal of research shows the impact of social movements on individual’s behaviors and values. See, for example, Amenta and Polletta (2019); Passy (2001); Van Dyke and Taylor (2019).

15 An example of reflective assessment around the issue of climate change can be seen in the mass exodus of EPA scientists and other staff when Donald Trump took office. Close to 1,600 of EPA’s staff resigned or retired during Trump’s first 18 months in office (Dennis et al., 2018). The reason for the departure was Trump’s efforts to gut policies aimed at curbing climate change, which were incongruent with EPA officials who were committed to fixing the warming planet. A quote by Ann Williamson, a scientist and longtime supervisor in the EPA’s Region 10 Seattle office, sums up the sentiment: “I felt it was time to leave given the irresponsible, ongoing diminishment of agency resources, which has recklessly endangered our ability to execute our responsibilities as public servants” (ibid, online). This points to EPA officials’ commitment to achieving their agency’s goals.

16 In addition to the I.R.A., President Biden on his first day in office, issued Executive Order 13985 “Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government.” The action plan for this EO requires the EPA to partner with a number of different entities (see EPA https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/2022-04/epa_equityactionplan_april2022_508.pdf, April 2022).

17 The city of Mebane is comprised of 22.4% Black, 60.2% White, 6.7% Latinx, 5.1% Asian and 2.4% Indigenous American and Alaska Native (see, https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/mebanecitynorthcarolina, accessed February 20, 2023.

18 The partnership was established based on the EPA’s collaborative problem-solving model framework (see EPA, 2006).

19 These grants provide financial assistance to eligible organizations, such as community-based organizations (CBOs) partnering with others to address local environmental or public health issues in their communities.

20 Outside of the Mebane case study, there are a number of examples of where government organizations aside from the EPA, partner with other stakeholders to promote environmental justice. For example, the Government Alliance on Race and Equity (GARE 2015) is a national network of local and regional governments partnering with other entities to fight racial inequities in a wide range of policy areas including the environment. Currently the California EPA is a member of GARE.

21 The EJM coalition includes, for example, the Indigenous Environment Network; Black Millennials for Flint; The Center on Race, Poverty & the Environment; The Nuestra Tierra Conservation Project, and California Community Foundation’s Wildfire Relief Fund to name a few.

22 The strike also pushed for fair pay and better working conditions for Memphis sanitation workers who were primarily Black.

23 In addition, U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in two reports found that the EPA was not enforcing its rules for achieving environmental justice, and not holding its staff accountable to reaching agency goals (USCCR, 2016; 2003).

24 In addition, greater oversight by congressional committees is critical. There are a number of congressional committees that oversee the EPA (e.g., House Energy and Commerce Committee; U.S. Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works; U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Superfund, Toxics and Environmental Health), the latter of which oversees environmental justice initiatives. Also, the EPA’s Inspector General can make recommendations to improve implementation efforts around environmental justice issues.